Just before beginning his 25th year in power, Vladimir Putin made a significant statement: “Wars are won by teachers.” He emphasized this point twice during his year-end news conference in December. His words highlight a less noticed effort: reshaping Russia’s education system to increase patriotism, remove Western influences, and suppress any dissent within universities and colleges, which are often centers of political activity.
At St. Petersburg State University, changes were evident with the closure of the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences. This faculty, also known as Smolny College, had been a notable part of the university for over a decade, led by Alexei Kudrin, a liberal economist and former finance minister. Kudrin was a long-time associate of Putin, dating back to their days as deputy mayors in St. Petersburg during the early 1990s.
A student from Smolny College, who preferred to remain anonymous for safety reasons, shared that their curriculum used to include a wide range of courses covering U.S. history, American politics, democracy, and political thought, along with Russian political science and the history of U.S.-Russian relations. However, these courses have been discontinued.
The entire Russian education system is undergoing drastic changes. The curriculum now emphasizes patriotism, and textbooks have been revised to minimize the significance of Ukraine, elevate Russia, and overlook the harsh realities of the Soviet era. These changes are among the most significant since the 1930s and align with Putin’s goal to transform Russia into a more regressive, militarized society amidst the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.
Since the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russian university leaders have strongly enforced the Kremlin’s stance against dissent. The Washington Post reports that professors who opposed the war or encouraged open discussion have been dismissed, and students who protested or used social media to call for peace have been expelled. Conversely, students who join the military efforts in Ukraine receive praise, and their families are promised elevated social status and academic advantages.
Moreover, the traditional academic freedom to explore new ideas and question existing ones is being suppressed. Classrooms are expected to reflect the authoritarian views and historical reinterpretations that Putin uses to justify his actions.
At the Russian State University for the Humanities in Moscow, the new Ivan Ilyin Higher Political School is led by Alexander Dugin, a staunch supporter of Putin and promoter of Orthodox Christian values. Dugin aims to realign Russian education with traditional Russian spiritual and moral values, criticizing Western influences as degraded by issues like gender and postmodernism.
Recently, students protested the naming of the school after Ilyin, a controversial philosopher with pro-fascist views, through an online petition. The university dismissed the petition, claiming it was part of a Western information war against Russia, though without evidence.
Programs focusing on liberal arts and sciences are particularly targeted as potential hotbeds for dissent. Universities are reducing instruction on Western governments, human rights, international law, and even the English language.
Denis Skopin, a philosophy professor at Smolny College who was dismissed for criticizing the war, expressed the impact of these changes succinctly: “We were destroyed. Because the last thing people who run universities need are unreliable actors who do the ‘wrong’ thing, think in a different way, and teach their students to do the same.”
Shutting Down Smolny College
St. Petersburg State University, also known as SPbU, is one of the most prestigious institutions of higher education in Russia. It counts among its alumni Vladimir Putin, who earned a law degree in 1975, and Dmitry Medvedev, another law graduate who later became president and now serves as deputy chairman of Russia’s national security council, where he has made threats of nuclear action against the West.
The university has gained a reputation for being particularly harsh on those within its community who do not support the Kremlin, earning it the title of “repressions champion” of Russian education from one newspaper. The university environment reflects broader societal shifts in Russia where conservative forces are increasingly sidelining the few remaining liberals who favor Western orientations.
The transformation of the educational landscape began well before the Ukraine conflict, intensifying with actions like the termination of a two-decade-old exchange program between Smolny College and Bard College in New York in 2021. The Russian government labeled Bard College an “undesirable” organization, part of a broader pushback against Western influences.
Jonathan Becker, Vice President for Academic Affairs at Bard and a professor of political studies, pointed out that the closure of Smolny is indicative of broader changes across Russia, reflecting a new level of intolerance towards Western connections and critical thinking.
In a poignant moment in October 2022, captured in a widely viewed video, students tearfully bid farewell to Denis Skopin, a beloved philosophy professor at Smolny, who was dismissed for what was officially termed an “immoral act”—his protest against Putin’s call for partial military mobilization to support operations in Ukraine. Prior to his firing, Skopin had been detained at an antiwar rally, sharing a cell with Artem Kalmykov, a young mathematician recently returned from studying at the University of Zurich.
Following these events, St. Petersburg State University significantly altered its curriculum, effectively shutting down Smolny College and replacing it with a new program in the arts and humanities.
The conflict between Alexei Kudrin, the liberal economist who had led Smolny, and Nikolai Kropachev, the university rector known for his volatile nature and connections at the highest levels of government, culminated in the college’s closure. In a display of his influence, Kropachev once hinted during a meeting that he needed to pause to take a call from Putin, showcasing his direct access to power.
Sergei Naryshkin, head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service, openly praised Kropachev for his “civic and political activity” in a birthday message, highlighting the deep ties between the university leadership and the state.
The story of Skopin and his cellmate Kalmykov exemplifies the shift in Russia’s academic ambitions. Initially, Russia sought to attract internationally educated academics to revitalize its higher education system. However, by 2022, there appeared to be little place for such academics, particularly those critical of the government.
During the gathering to support Skopin, students showed overwhelming support, a testament to the strong anti-war sentiment among the student body. Skopin reflected on the intense anxiety students felt at the beginning of the invasion, noting that nearly all were opposed to it.
Following his termination, a group of students attempted to resist the administration’s efforts to shut down the Smolny program.
Polina Ulanovskaya, a sociology student and leader of the student union, revealed the extent of the faculty reduction. “At one point, out of the original 30 faculty members, only three tutors remained,” she noted. This drastic decrease in staff severely affected the quality of education, particularly in politics-related courses.
In the political science department, the number of professors dwindled to just two, and several courses were cut, including one on human rights. The English course offerings shrank dramatically from 21 to only two.
Ulanovskaya described her cautious approach with each new professor, questioning whether certain topics like “gender” might upset them or if expressing oppositional views could be dangerous.
Due to fears of censorship or potential backlash, Ulanovskaya decided against writing her thesis on Russian social movements and instead chose a safer topic—Uruguay. “The main issue now is the absence of freedom and security,” she expressed, a sentiment she felt was pervasive throughout Russian academia.
Not long after discussing these challenges with The Washington Post, Ulanovskaya was expelled for allegedly failing an exam, though she and Skopin believe it was actually due to her activism.
Another student, Yelizaveta Antonova, faced her own challenges. She was about to receive her bachelor’s degree in journalism when Yelena Milashina, a renowned reporter for Novaya Gazeta, was violently attacked in Chechnya. Moved by Milashina’s plight, Antonova and a roommate decided to honor her at their graduation ceremony by displaying a photo of the injured journalist.
Their attempt to bring the photo on stage was blocked by fellow students, forcing them to hold their demonstration outside the law school—a location made more poignant by the fact that both Putin and Medvedev had studied there. Despite only displaying the poster for about half an hour, they were threatened with arrest by riot police, according to a fellow student.
Antonova believes this act of solidarity with Milashina jeopardized her chances of entering graduate school. Eight months later, she and her roommate faced legal repercussions for their unsanctioned protest, which led to a police investigation. Faced with increasing scrutiny, Antonova decided to leave Russia and continue her studies abroad.
Ideological Battles and Academic Repression
St. Petersburg State University’s history department has traditionally been a place of ideological contention, with a mix of conservative Kremlin supporters and staunchly liberal opposition members. This divide intensified following the onset of the conflict in Ukraine in February 2022.
Michael Martin, a distinguished former student who had gained automatic admission to the college by winning two national academic contests, described how the war emboldened those supportive of the Kremlin’s narrative. On the day the conflict began, Martin, who was then a student council leader, helped draft an antiwar manifesto in a cafe.
In contrast, another student, Fedor Solomonov, supported the Kremlin’s description of the conflict as a “special military operation” on social media. When called up for military service, Solomonov chose not to defer despite being a student and was killed on the front lines on April 1, 2023.
Following his death, private chats among students, where they discussed historical and political issues, were leaked. These leaks included antiwar sentiments expressed by Martin and others, and a controversial message that appeared to criticize the war, attributed to assistant professor Mikhail Belousov. This message used the term “Rashism,” a derogatory play on the words “Russia” and “fascism.”
Pro-war activists launched a vehement online campaign calling for Belousov’s dismissal and the expulsion of the antiwar students, branding them as a “pro-Ukrainian organized crime group.” The radical outlet Readovka, with a large following, accused them of being “rabid liberals who hate their country.” Consequently, Belousov was fired, and seven students, including Martin, were expelled for allegedly dishonoring Solomonov’s memory.
Belousov has since gone into hiding and was unavailable for comment for the Washington Post.
During his expulsion hearing, Martin recalled being coerced to praise the war and questioned repeatedly about Solomonov. He expressed his condolences for Solomonov but did not support his decision to fight, stating, “I’m truly sorry for what happened to him, but at the same time, I don’t think that he did something good or great by going to war.”
As the war continued, the university started to “glorify death” and commend alumni who joined the military, influencing the curriculum significantly. Shortly after the invasion began, a new course on modern Ukrainian history was introduced, promoting the notion that Ukrainian statehood is myth-based.
The school also offered a controversial course denying any Soviet involvement in starting World War II, contrary to historical facts about the Soviet and Nazi joint invasion of Poland in 1939. This course, along with others, was part of a broader government initiative to promote “civic-patriotic and spiritual-moral education” and to counter “false ideas.”
Martin criticized these courses as propaganda aimed at creating historians who would justify government narratives. His academic journey at the university ended abruptly as he was expelled just before his thesis defense. He soon left the country after being warned that he and his peers could face charges of discrediting the military, a serious offense under new laws.
Reflecting on the situation, Martin compared the current atmosphere to the repressive Stalinist purges of the 1930s, lamenting the loss of any tolerated dissent: “The limit of tolerated protest now is to sit silently and say nothing. There is despair at the faculty and a feeling that they have crushed everything.”
Russia’s Strategic Use of University Admissions and Scholarships in the Ukraine Conflict
In an effort to boost enlistment for the conflict in Ukraine, the Russian government has introduced incentives for the families of servicemen, including affordable mortgages, substantial life insurance benefits, and educational privileges for their children.
In 2022, President Vladimir Putin sanctioned amendments to education laws that give admissions preferences to the children of soldiers who have participated in the Ukraine conflict. These changes ensure that at least 10 percent of all state-funded university spots are reserved for students eligible for the military preference, including children of soldiers who have been injured or killed, who are also exempt from entrance exams.
This legislation builds on a previous decree from Putin that provided special benefits to military personnel and their families. In the academic year 2023-24, approximately 8,500 students were admitted to universities under these provisions, as per government reports. An investigation by the media outlet Important Stories highlighted that nearly 900 students gained admission to 13 leading universities through these war quotas, despite many not meeting the standard academic requirements.
In the regions of Ukraine under Russian control since February 2022, Moscow is implementing its educational curriculum and standards, similar to its actions following the annexation of Crimea in 2014.
For the 2023-24 academic year, the Russian prime minister’s office reported that over 5 percent of state-financed scholarships—about 37,000 out of 626,000—were designated for students in the universities of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. These areas, claimed by Putin as annexed territories, show how education and financial aid are being used strategically to integrate the southeast Ukrainian regions into Russia, contrary to international law.
Furthermore, deans from several prestigious Russian universities have made notable visits to the occupied Ukrainian regions, encouraging students there to enroll in Russian institutions. This is part of a broader initiative to align the local population with Moscow’s influence.
The Higher School of Economics in Moscow, once regarded as one of Russia’s most liberal universities, has taken a significant step by establishing ties with universities in Luhansk. Nikita Anisimov, the rector, has made several visits to the region as part of these efforts.
Nationalism and Isolation in Post-Bologna Education
Shortly after the invasion of Ukraine began, Moscow withdrew from the Bologna Process, a collaborative European initiative aimed at standardizing higher education. This decision was part of a broader move by Russian educational leaders to demonstrate their independence from foreign influences.
Valery Falkov, the Minister of Higher Education, announced that Russian universities would experience significant reforms over the next five years under the national program “Priority 2030.” This program aims to foster a patriotic worldview among students.
Following Russia’s exit from the Bologna Process, Smolny College was specifically targeted for a comprehensive overhaul. Victoria Pardini, a program associate at the Kennan Institute in Washington, noted that this move marked a significant departure from the more liberal educational policies that had developed in Russia after the Soviet Union’s collapse.
In a similar vein, the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration discontinued its liberal arts program in 2022, with authorities claiming it undermined national values.
By mid-October 2023, the Ministry of Higher Education had issued directives to universities to avoid open discussions of any negative political, economic, or social trends. A report disclosed by British intelligence highlighted that this policy would likely cause Russian policymaking to become even more insulated.
Although many exchange programs have been canceled, partly because Russian students are facing difficulties in securing visas, there is a serious brain drain from Russia right now. Denis Skopin, reflecting on the situation, remarked that many of his capable students had left the country, while those who remained felt trapped and frustrated, wanting to leave.
Among those who managed to leave Russia, Michael Martin has successfully secured a place in a prestigious master’s program abroad and plans to study 19th-century Australian federalism.
Denis Skopin has relocated to Berlin, where he teaches and participates in Smolny Beyond Borders, an educational initiative designed to support Russian students abroad who have been displaced due to their political beliefs. By late 2023, approximately 700 students were participating in this program.
This article is based on the following article:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/05/07/russia-universities-education-putin-overhaul
Background Information
Understanding these elements helps provide a more complete picture of the challenges and changes within Russia, particularly in how education, politics, and international relations intersect in the current era.
- Vladimir Putin and Russian Politics:
- Vladimir Putin: He has been the dominant political figure in Russia since 1999, serving as either President or Prime Minister. His governance is characterized by centralized control, suppression of dissent, and a strong nationalistic approach.
- Political Climate: Under Putin, Russia has seen significant restrictions on freedom of speech, the press, and public assembly. There has been a noted increase in the government’s control over information and more aggressive stances against what it perceives as Western influence.
- Russian Educational System:
- Higher Education: Russia has a vast and diverse higher education system that includes both public and private universities. Traditionally, these institutions have enjoyed a degree of academic freedom, though recent years have seen increased government intervention.
- Patriotism in Education: The government has been pushing for more “patriotic education,” which is a way to instill national pride and support for government policies. This includes modifying curriculums to align more closely with governmental narratives.
- The Bologna Process:
- This is a collective effort by European countries to standardize higher education across the continent to ensure comparability in the standards and quality of higher-education qualifications, which Russia joined in 2003 but exited in 2022 following the invasion of Ukraine. This exit symbolizes a move away from European integration and towards more insular, nationalistic policies.
- Ukraine Conflict:
- Background: Relations between Ukraine and Russia have been complex and fraught with tension. Ukraine declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and since then, there have been several disputes between the two nations over territory, gas supplies, and political alignment.
- 2014 Annexation of Crimea: Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014, leading to international condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This move was part of a larger conflict involving pro-Russian separatists in Eastern Ukraine.
- 2022 Invasion: In February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which it termed a “special military operation.” This led to widespread international condemnation, increased sanctions, and a significant humanitarian crisis.
- Impact on Academics and Students:
- Many academics and students in Russia have faced persecution for speaking out against government policies, particularly against the war in Ukraine. This has led to a brain drain, with many intellectuals and young professionals leaving the country.
- The government has also used educational benefits as incentives for families of soldiers fighting in Ukraine, intertwining military service with access to higher education.
Debate/Essay Questions
- Should academic freedom be protected even if it conflicts with national interests as defined by a government?
- Can educational systems be used as tools for political propaganda without compromising the quality of education?
- What are the long-term consequences for a nation when its intellectuals and academics choose to emigrate in response to restrictive governmental policies?
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